From the Middle Ages through the Renaissance Essay Example for Free

From the Middle Ages through the Renaissance Essay The earliest monument of the High Gothic was the cathedral of Notre-Dame at Chartres, where flying buttresses were designed from the beginning so that the balconies were needless. This simplified the interior elevations to three partitions; the nave arcade, the triforium passage and the clerestory windows. In the process, the clerestory windows improved noticeably in size and vaulting shifted from sexpartite, over two bays, to quadripartite, over one bay. Chartres Cathedral has an additional complex chronology than the cathedral of Paris. The side had long been sanctified to the Virgin Mary and the church wealth included, along with other precious relics, a tunic thought to have been used or worn by Mary. Chartres turned out to be the core of pilgrimage, and from 1020 to 1037 a Romanesque basilica with three profound radiating chapels was built to restore the previous church ruined by fire. By the twelfth century, this church increased in size however a fire in 1134 had damaged the westwork. Work started the same year to put up a new west front and narthex in much the same manner that Abbot Suger was to extend St. Denis Sculptors from the workshops at St. Denis came to Chartres, in 1145 to 1150 to carve the three portals of the new west facade, and the three lancet windows overhead were filled with stained glass depicting themes pioneered at Suger’s church; infancy of Christ, the Passion story and the Tree of Jesse or the genealogy of Christ. Fire again struck the Chartres on the night of June 10, 1194. The fire again struck the cathedral and town, destroying the wooden-roofed basilica and eight per cent of the city. Even though the new west front survived without major damage, the people of Chartres interpreted the fire as a sign of divine displeasure. The Gothic cathedral at Chartres was built in the span of twenty-six years from 1192 to 1220, and the sculpted north and south transport porches were finished between 1224 and 1250. However, the north tower on the west front was completed only in 1513, giving the west front at last a balanced asymmetry of form and style. Builders of the great French cathedrals of the early thirteenth century gave the impression on a determined pushing of Gothic technology to achieve soaring interior heights. The nave vaults at Chartres rise 113 feet over a fifty-three-foot-wide nave; at Reims (begun 1211), the vaults are 122 feet high over a forty-five-foor-wide nave; at Amiens (begun 1220), the vaulting is 139 feet high for the same nave width; and at Beauvais (begun 1225), the most daring venture of all, the choir vaults rose 158 feet over a choir that is forty-five-feet wide before collapsing and being rebuilt in a strengthened form. The cathedral of St. Pierre at Beauvais was never finished, and only the choir and transept stand today to indicate the scale of the intended Gothic building. Although structural disappointment was only part of the problem at Beauvais, it is a recurring element in the history of the cathedral’s construction. The design called for a string of seven radiating chapels off the ambulatory, with paired aisles in the choir that continued beyond the aisled transepts as double aisles in the nave. Work on the choir began in 1225, with choir vaulting being completed in about 1260. These vaults collapsed in 1284, probably because wind forces went over load capacities on slender transitional buttress piers, causing them to rotate and fall. Despite this checkered building history, the interior of the cathedral is stunning. The extreme verticality of the arcade is corresponded by an attenuated glazed triforium, above which rises the fragile cage of the clerestory, where solid wall dissolves into glass, generating the illusion that the vault overhead rests on air alone. In the windows, plate tracery used at Chartres has been replaced by bar tracery, thin stone sections carved into geometrical shapes based on circles. Tracery on the enormous transept roses moves into even more elaborate, flame-like shapes. Seen from the east, the exterior is overwhelmingly vertical. Even though the Gothic style started off in France, it stretched to other parts of Europe and became the principal style of northern Europe until the fifteenth century. English designers and builders soon formed their own Gothic esthetic and within a century had shaped Gothic churches that varied significantly from those built in France. Nineteenth century historians who initially studied the Gothic buildings of England classified the work in three overlapping phases, which are still practical or helpful for describing the progressive improvement of English medieval structural design. Early English built from 1175 to 1265, keeps up a correspondence approximately to High Gothic work in France. Salisbury Cathedral shows a rare example of an English Gothic cathedral assembled just about exclusively in homogenous style, Early English. Salisbury adds in features from monastic plans taking account of double transepts of Cluny III and the square east end of the Cistercians, in a lengthy angular building that is unquestionably English. On the interior, quadripartite vaults ascend from three-story nave elevations; nevertheless the constant vertical line exploited by the French has been substituted by a horizontal importance formed by a string course under the triforium and another under the clerestory windows. Even the ribs of the vaults do not extend down the wall but spring instead from wall corbels at the base of the clerestory. Surfaces are articulated by shafts and trim in black Purbeck marble. The exterior receives the same horizontal emphasis as the interior. Flying buttresses do not have a strong vertical character, and the walls are coursed in horizontal bands that extend across the west front. With all this horizontality, the 404-foot tower and spire offered the essential vertical counterpoint, and their great weight has obviously turned aside the piers at the crossing. The covered passages are excellent illustrations of early festooned tracery, and off the east range one comes across an attractive octagonal chapter house (King et al. , 2003). References Moffett, M. , Fazio, M. , Wodehouse, L. (2003). A World History of Architecture. London: Laurence King Publishing Ltd.

Account of the Travels, Sufferings and Persecutions of Barbara Blaugdon

Account of the Travels, Sufferings and Persecutions of Barbara Blaugdone The title of Barbara Blaugdone’s memoir is An Account of the Travels, Sufferings and Persecutions of Barbara Blaugdone, with â€Å"travels† highlighted by its enormous size. Indeed, when reading the book the reader is perhaps most struck by Blaugdone’s excessive, nearly constant travel habits. It may even be argued that at its heart the book is a travel narrative and not a memoir or even a religious account. She traipses about the seas around the British Islea, not only in England but also venturing to Ireland to proselytize and preach to those yet untouched by the Quaker message. Travel was an important part of Quaker life. As a fledgling religious movement focused on the importance of introspective faith and a personal relationship with God, many Friends took it upon themselves to spread the word world-wide. Furthermore, as a group looked down upon and disliked by the rest of English society, Quakers were tempered to have a predisposition towards independence and adventure that serve...

Prospects of Democracy

Unfortunately, these moronic, ungrateful, stone-age Jerk-offs either refuse that generous gift out of arrogance or are too stupid to put it together correctly (It's not like It's an Kea dresser, folks). Is the developing world hopeless, or are the efforts of developed countries? Has democracy simply run its course among those who are capable of handling It? What developed countries could democracy work or not work In? Regardless of the answer to those questions, which I will address, the people of any given nation have to want democracy. The U.S has been a leader in trying to sit on the chest of developing countries trying to spoon-feed this lattice medication to them, but even when it goes in their mouth, the spit it back out the moment they stand back up. For the sake of humor though, I'll juxtapose the U. S as a successful democracy against that of other countries in its history for the first part of my essay. The second of potential and current democracies in the modern world, an d last, whether and how much democracy I believe there will be in the next 20 to 25 years and solutions to achieve it.Get ready to hop on the Magic School Bus not to the Prehistoric era or inside a human body, but†¦ To the land of democracy? Sorry, Ms. Frizzle got sent to rehab by some marc who found LSI under the driver's seat. Suffice to say this ride won't be as fun as past â€Å"adventures†, but I'm going to give It a damned good try. Now let's take a trip back to 1783 in the great land we've just come to know as the united States of America. For the first time, it appears as though democracy truly has a shot.The British actually surrendered to the American revolutionaries and those who remained in opposition exiled themselves! Talk about a clean break! As most now in modern times, this is not the usual case in revolutions. Even the supposedly peace-loving and wimpy French were chopping off heads in the name of democracy. There's always the Greeks right? Sadly, the e steemed Athenian democracy met its ends through the violence and civil war it had allowed to fester throughout it's reign.However, America Is deferent – not simply due to apple pale and barbecue – but like most great achievements, due to impeccable timing. Had what's now known as the united States been colonized centuries prior when Europe was still trudging through the Feudal Ages, democracy would almost certainly falter, especially In an emerging nation. And regardless of the ascribed poverty of our country's childhood, most of the influence, and at worst, they were of a middle-merchant class.In addition, they were also working with an Eden of resources and real estate. As the Proof. Said and I paraphrase, â€Å"they would have to be pretty stupid to mess this up. † Furthermore, this was post-renaissance and ideas like democracy and morally-rich thought had been being nurtured for a good portion of time. And one of the more important aspect was that while the colonists were poor, they had an entire ocean to separate their ‘oppressors'!. Back to the point of comparing the U. S with other countries past and present, the U.S has not yet proven either its ability to wield democracy successfully nor whether democracy is even a successful form of government. â€Å"Hell to the no, wiener-brain†, I can already hear you shouting, but I implore your to consider this quote from Alexander Tyler, a Scottish history professor at the University of Edinburgh, â€Å"A democracy is always temporary in nature; it simply cannot exist as a permanent form of government. A democracy will continue to exist up until the time that voters discover they can vote themselves generous gifts from the public treasury.From that moment on, the majority always votes for the candidates who promise the most benefits from the public treasury, with the result that every democracy will finally collapse due to loose fiscal policy, which is always followed by a dict atorship. † This was said in 1787 and while is hasn't come to fruition in the United States, it has certainly done so in many other upstart democracies. Hearkening upon my early statement about the U. S. ‘s success, I pose two questions to gauge the democracy's success. What is the best kind of democracy? The U.S has a representative democracy hat is actually more akin to a republic (the latter being an especially deft blow to its potential claim of success). How can a government's ability to conquer an entire form of policy be Judged on one particular? How much time must pass before a democracy is to be deemed a success or not? The U. S is going on 250 years, not much greater than Greece (in more strict democratic terms), well beneath the Roman Republic which peaked around 500 years, and vastly short of the longest-living globally successful civilizations in history.For the sake of argument however, let us assume that the U. S is indeed all that ND a bag of Chests (why would you choose plain chips when there are so many better options? ) and that it will survive until Jesus flies down and raptures all of its citizens up to heaven for being so loyal (except the gays and Democrats). Despite all of its political prowess and embodiment of benevolence, America cannot be a role model to most countries because its situation differs far too much from other countries.Two countries may have the same recipe for chocolate chip cookies, but if the U. S has butter and Ghana only has butter-substitute spread, guess what – you're not goanna end up with chocolate chip cookies. To start, as I said in the previous paragraph, America had what few countries have had or will ever have: a blank canvass and the brushes to paint onto it. When the pilgrims escaped the despotic rule of the English, despite their difference, they shared far more in common.As the American Revolution was waged and goals were made in the aftermath, common interest on the macro level was still abundant. In contrast, â€Å"The countries of the bottom billion are, for the most part, the opposite of America. Rapidly put together in nation†¦. The now-successful states were built through a painfully slow and circuitous recess of formation that turned them into nations with which their citizens identified. This enabled them to undertake the collective action that is vital for the provision of public goods.Most modern states were once ethnically diverse. The boundaries of a modern state generally emerged not out of deepening bonds forged out of a primordial ethnic solidarity but as the solution to the central security issue of what size of territory was best suited to the creation of a monopoly over the means of violence† (Collier, 2009). This lends a crucial similarity to the U. S and developing countries: violence. Not even a century into its lifespan, the United States was already destroying itself – not quite the idyllic picture modern citizens paint for it.Even the political process that had brought the U. S to that point relied on conflict: â€Å"The evolution of the modern state was, on this analysis, violence driven. Step by step, the predatory ruler of the mint-state had evolved into the desperate-to-please, service-promising, modern vote- seeking politician. † (Collier, 2009). Throughout the 19th century the U. S political system potentially gave a voice and ammunition to any self-centered megalomaniac ho may have planned to use the system to satisfy his and his friends' appetite for profit.The electoral process of the early U. S was rife with corruption with politicians bribing for vote and boxing out undesirables from the polling booths (e. G. Blacks, anyone who disagrees). This is hardly the system most would want to see implemented in developing countries even if the eventual outcome is a successful system like the U. S enjoys now. Kenya is currently considered by many to be the most successful democracy about developing nations. Sadly, this is like saying it is the prettiest turn in the toilet.Lash out if you will, but I say this to emphatically point out that Kenya is a part of a larger failing system and its successes are simply not great enough to warrant any sort of complacency. And when the U. S is considered hypothetically as a marker one needs to consider its current ten percent unemployment level and major election corruption as recent as 2000 in the Bush/Gore presidential race (or perhaps 2008 if one feels the need to consider the black panther incident to be on the same scale), it is quickly realized that the bar needs to be raised for all, not simply developing worlds.In order for democracy to truly take root in developing nations first-world intervention cannot be reduced to the parental platitude of â€Å"do as I say, not as I do†. Nations such as Kenya or Zambia are not stupid or naive children and don't want to be ordered to follow democratic dictations when their a dministrators renege on their promises and police themselves as they see fit (lending yet more credence to the 01†² Spider-man adage, â€Å"with great power comes great responsibility'). However, a nation such as Kenya is in role of leadership itself amidst the other African developing democracies and is thus expected to up its ante as well.Unfortunately the lack of democracy almost always brings with it the lack of accountability in the public and media arena too. Kenya was no exception given that â€Å"The structure of the Kenya media system appears to result in many media outlets turning in to direct political instruments in election campaigns, during which politicians use ethnicity to win votes. † (Hollander, 2010). How can the public make sound political choices when one, information from the television or literature?The situation doesn't look to be improving for developing countries elsewhere on the globe either. Further north – but not too distant in Afric a – another prime democratic hopeful Morocco shares its breather's woes. â€Å"Morocco has the longest record of multi-party elections – 1963 on. Yet whenever the king risked losing, the king dissolved the assembly and changed the rules. † and â€Å"Most of these countries have held elections at least occasionally, but all too often these have been fake elections orchestrated by the government in favor of one party. † (Étagà ¨re, 2003).This paints a rather bleak picture for democracy in developing countries given that Kenya is supposed to be a hallmark of hope: if they cannot achieve it, who can? It appears that a trend, rather a disease, has a Dearth Evader death-grip on the societies' political ambitions. Democracy is often spoken of the most ideal and viable alternative to warfare as the combatants can fight within the arena of politics rather than the battlefield, however most hopeful leaders have taken that maxim to the extreme. Rather than shou lder the burden of leadership for the greater good of Justice and their people's welfare, â€Å"†¦ N actual practice , in many developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America, the process of democracy is marked by bitter animosity and quarrel between the efferent political parties , giving an impression as if these countries are in constant turmoil all the time with one group trying to defeat another group to seize power. † (Sir Lankan Guardian, 2010). In turn, these elections become mere contests where politicians become intoxicated in the thrill of the fight and seek only to serve their or their family's needs in a twisted marriage of their own ego. Each political group in its anxiety to defeat the other often even go to the extent of maintaining thugs and rowdies in their groups to indulge in violence, settle scores with the opponents, indulge in malpractices in election including bribing the voters etc. Due to this approach, the law and order machinery virtual ly collapses. † (Sir Lankan Guardian, 2010) While this is true for many politicians in any country, it's especially devastating to a country like Sir Lankan, who don't even have a sound enough political system or successful economical infrastructure to absorb the shock of those mistakes.This kind of arrogance leads to a destitution where the populace is virtually selling itself into slavery to the government. The governments of developing countries or hat Paul Collier calls pejoratively â€Å"the bottom billion† are blind to the tremendous cost of their foolish attempt to shield themselves from cooperation with their neighbors. â€Å"The paradox is that despite having the most to gain from pooling their sovereignty, the societies of the bottom billion have pooled it the least. † (Collier, 2009).Many of these countries operate under a facade of democracy and subject their citizens to authoritarian rule such as despotism that â€Å"†¦ May take the form of a à ¢â‚¬Å"beggars' democracy,† where people talk at will, in groups even, but can never expect to change anything. † (Kaplan, 1996). In Latin America, one author tells how the authoritarian regimes had become so severe they should actually be viewed as a benchmark for necessary studies on democracy that scholars often ignore: â€Å"These lessons†¦ Were learned through the bitter experiences of democratic breakdown and repressive, bureaucratic-authoritarian rule (p. 2), a claim that echoes throughout the ramifications of the violence that birthed almost every major nation in the world that I spoke of earlier, and the cause of the violence itself: ethnic identity. The idea that ethnicity is both the cause of nationalistic violence and the obstacle tanning in the way of a successful democracy is something certainly doesn't sit well with most and may end up actually inciting violence! As I stated before, America had the advantage of being forced to deal with diversity wher eas most nations have a firmly rooted cultural society, complete with enemies and collective taboos.America's economy was also firmly tied to its cultural identity which is important because â€Å"When the pace of expansion gets sufficiently far ahead of the process of building a common identity, the resulting superstars face overwhelming problems in trying to establish a common identity. Instead of becoming nations, by default they become empires. † (Collier, 2009). A common identity was forged through the â€Å"state† part of the United States where the states could pursue their own interest to some degree, but were ultimately held up the to law and standard of a central government.Even China – commonly viewed as purely an authoritarian government – has only been successful politically and economically when they unified under the emperor Kin Shih Hunting and more recently under the communist party. This illustrates a very basic and click principle of â €Å"two are stronger than one†, but is one many developing entries refuse to accept due largely to self-serving interests. This conundrum is likely most prevalent in the Middle-East and Africa where basically the same cultural wars have been waged since ancient times.Given the relatively most economically severe nature of the latter coupled with the proportionally greatest amount of aid sent there, the stakes are the highest. â€Å"The evidence from recent surveys of attitudes across nine African countries by Aftermarket is not encouraging. It is found that if people are educated they are more likely to identify themselves through their ethnicity. â€Å"So development, with the attendant education, Jobs, and electoral competition, is increasing the salience of ethnic diversity rather than erasing it. † (Collier, 2009).So despite overall improvement of these developing countries, democracy still faces a disturbingly poor outlook. Despite any inclination so far to the c ontrary, capitalism is still necessary for a country to facilitate democracy regardless of any ethnic ties that will remain. It will lift the economic tide of the given country, and more importantly give collective identity through the society's pursuit of better financial welfare. As it stands, African evolving countries are far from self-sufficient let alone ripe for producing democracy. The resulting reduced need to tax has been reinforced by aid: in the typical country of the bottom billion the government gets around a third of its expenditure needs met by aid†¦ The current Uganda president Missives has deviated from his previous tyrannical leaders in that he realizes that in order to have a strong army one must must have a strong economy. † (Collier, 2009). Coupled with American's instant society, capitalism raised the income of the average citizen throughout the country's history and prevented any one entity from ruling the entry or forcing its hand political (with a few exceptions of course).When the economy is healthy enough to support a widespread computer access in developing countries,†The use of Sits (Information and Communication Technologies) can lead to accountability' in democratic elections. (Modern Democracy, 2010). However, neoclassical capitalism will not suit the country seeking democracy, especially given their ethnic circumstances; regulation is necessary to ensure that the market doesn't become corrupt or unstable as is the case with so many African countries (and notably the United States in the recent financial crisis).As for the argument that regulation stifles innovation, Stilling cited former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Blocker, who said: ‘it's hard to find any evidence from anybody who's not in the industry that can show any clear link between the so-called financial innovations and increased productivity in our economy. ‘†(CNN, 2010). Here the relationship between ethnic identity and capitalis m becomes even more important: the population of a developing country must not think simply for themselves, but for what they believe is the betterment of their country as a whole given that â€Å"†¦ Racket is not one individual; Robinson Crusoe does not make for much of an economy. † (Smith, 2010). So given capitalism and ethnic identity, we now have two strong ingredients for the recipe of democracy, but how do we make developing countries go by the recipe? Any tactful parent knows the best kind of method to get your kid to do what you want is through incentives or misleading rather than direct positive punishment. In this line of thinking I propose two solutions – one that I've up with myself and one I am borrowing from one of my sources.The first is a leader of a leader or group of adders coming together using the old adage of â€Å"an enemy of my enemy is my friend† in that larger groups paint each other as the devil and consolidate their political sov ereignty in Africa into two to three larger states. The leader(s) hopefully will understand this strategy is merely for political purposes and in turn practice enough restraint to prevent the whole from barring all contact with each other. The would eliminate much of the ethnic conflict by saying â€Å"look how much we have in common given that these people don't truly understand our collective struggles. This is no bout at least a mite idealistic as managing ethnic conflicts that have lasted for centuries through a one of the biggest escapades of charm the world has ever known would be a task not suited for the current political leaders of developing countries. The second strategy is one the author Paul Collier suggests is positive reinforcement in the form of international military intervention – not the kind that's most thought of though. In developing countries governments, especially newly formed ones, the first thing they fear is military upheaval or coups De teat so w hat is it that they'd want most – the prevention of them.Basically what he proposes is that the international community lay out a list of rules for democracy that a given country has to follow and in return they will protect them from any sort of military coup. To support his theory, Collier goes through a test â€Å"game tree† where all the possible scenarios that could occur in response to this proposal would all end up in at least one or some the countries agreeing to this proposal. The latter would take place because nobody wants to be the only ones on the chopping block by themselves.Furthermore, Collier suggests that â€Å"coups need to be harnessed, not eliminated† (Collier, 2009). The international community can then guide countries into democracies through protection and support of viable leaders who want to see the process through. Requires meticulous manipulation and time, while the latter basically is forcing democracy through non-democratic means. U nfortunately, response to this criticism comes down to saying, Mimi got a better idea? † Within a time frame of 20-25 years, I believe democracy is certainly achievable – through means such as the ones I suggest or variations of it otherwise.Following the end of the Cold War, the developed worlds made almost all the mistakes possible in the handling of evolving countries: they either intervened too much militarily or not enough (Rwanda). Another strategy, bridled with or instead of the former, would be centered around ramping up the amount of aid that developing countries are so heavily reliant on in exchange for a structured system on how it is spent. Further-along democracies such as Thailand or India could benefit from these programs as well.Plus, as these maturing democracies develop, they will be given more say and weight when dealing with international matters – a kind of recognition they likely feel is long overdue. Much of the Western world needs to stop treating these countries like they are simply children (or at least don't let them think that you are). The Democracy that Americans enjoy is an exception, not the standard. Many of the protections economic standards that Westerners employ need to be disbanded to support global financial growth and in turn, a more healthy domestic economy.Compassion and self-interest need not be enemies, however, helping developing countries make the feasible transition to democracy requires a genuine altruism that's not often seen in political endeavors. Being that I'm no economic or political expert, I almost feel that writing this paper is pointless outside of a grade because managing this subject successfully is something that requires an entire career, but in a message that needs to be transmitted to the entire developed world: we need to start somewhere.

Essay on The Georges Hotel - 2818 Words

THE GEORGES HOTEL The Hotel ââ€"   163 guest rooms, 65-70 employees. ââ€"   Front desk: 10 employees. ââ€"   Valet parking services: 8 employees. ââ€"   Housekeeping: 28 employees. ââ€"   Engineering and facilities maintenance: 4 employees. ââ€"   Management and administrative: 15-20 additional staff members assigned to departments throughout the hotel, including management, office support and sales. The Garden Terrace Restaurant ââ€"   Approximately 35 employees. ââ€"   The restaurant is open daily from 5:00 a.m. to 10:00 p.m. ââ€"   In addition to restaurant dining, the restaurant provides 24-hour room service and full catering services for meetings, conventions and other hotel events.  © 2013 Society for Human Resource Management. Myrna L. Gusdorf, MBA, SPHR 1†¦show more content†¦Cindy has no interest in golf, hates the hot climate of Palm Springs and greatly prefers her work at the hotel. Cindy is the director of human resources. She has been a working member of the management team since the brothers bought the run-down hotel and renovated it to create the Georges. Although Cindy had no management or HR experience before her work at the Georges, she is a natural leader. She is personable, well respected by the staff and is an asset to Jeff in the day-to-day management of the hotel. In many ways, it’s the perfect situation for all three Mitchells. Cindy loves her work, and her management role enables Chad to shun the office and remain nearly guilt-free while jetting from one golf course to another, and Jeff is not burdened by Chad’s disinterest in the hotel. Instead, he has an excellent partner in Cindy, with whom he often consults on difficult decisions. The next generation of Mitchells is already being groomed to take over when the time comes. Jeff’s daughter, Julie, is nearly finished with an MBA program. 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Human Trafficking Is The Modern Form Of Enslavement

Initiatives on Human Trafficking Almost two centuries after the 16th President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, a new type of slave trade has taken possession of the lives of many human beings worldwide. Human trafficking is the modern form of enslavement. It includes the purchasing and selling of individuals for forced labor or sexual abuse. This new type of enslavement of human beings is evident all around the world. Additionally, the number of enslaved victims today is surpassing that of the Atlantic slave trade. There are approximately 20 to 30 million individuals involved in today’s human trafficking business. These statistics are alarming to experts and the community, therefore many actions are taken into†¦show more content†¦There are about 19,000 probable victims or even more suffering in the human trafficking trade. 64% of cases involved sex trafficking and 22% had to do with forced labor. 3% had a mix of both. 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Microscopic Look at JFK’s Inaugural Address The 1960’s was a time when the world was facing the Cold War and America was facing the Civil Rights Movement. On January 20, 1961, at the age of 43, John Fitzgerald Kennedy was sworn into office as the 35th President of the United States. As the youngest president of the United States, Kennedy needed to prove to the American citizens that he was a great leader and that they did the right thing to elect him. (History.com) The night before JFK’s inaugural it snowed so hard that many people found it difficult to attend the inauguration, however more than twenty thousand people were in attendance. (Baergen) During the Inauguration, President Kennedy gave his most famous speech, The Inaugural Address, which evoked a sense of unity into the American citizens and gave them a sense of confidence in their young leader, which was gravely needed at that moment. Kennedy’s prerogative was to be an outstanding leader; and so he was, by addressing social inequality and poverty , stating the need to end the threat of nuclear destruction, and yearning for peace, whilst having a brave and powerful demeanor. John F. Kennedy’s inaugural address was about fourteen minutes long, making it the one of the shortest inaugural address in history. (History.com) However, it was one of the most powerful, yet influential, speeches. In those fourteen minutes, Kennedy addressed many crucial issues that were important for the new president to discuss at that

Neoliberalism and Biophysical Environment - MyAssignmenthelp.com

Question: Discuss about the Neoliberalism and Biophysical Environment. Answer: Introduction Neoliberalism remains to be the group of economic strategies that have continued to widen during the past twenty-five years or so. The concept of neoliberalism in Australia has remained quite so widespread in some political, academic, and labor relations debates. Neoliberalism remains to be the inevitable trend towards the development of advanced technologies in different employment sector such as transportation, information, together with information sector (Castree 2011, p. 28). Neoliberalism had a massive impact on the Australian employment sector, as employment issues remain to be critical to every nation globally. These effects lead to influence the system of Australians industrial relations that has existed as distinctive in the international arena, although it shares various commonalities with the systems of other nations. Besides, neoliberalism has risen to the forefront of the Australian politics in the last several decades, economic restructuring of governmental policies ha ve been enactable to conform to the changing employment relations within the global context. Besides, the impact of neoliberalism on the Australian economy has consistently figured as the reason to warrant the significant changes to labor relations (Ferradas 2013, p. 263). Therefore, this document focuses on addressing several effects of neoliberalism on employment relations within Australian society. Neoliberalism faces numerous critics from the people within the Australian marketplace. Some of the criticism that affects the working relationship includes the market-liberalizing policies sacrifice social and political rights of individuals. The relation between the neoliberalism and employment relation in Australia according to many scholars is markedly negative. The negative association arises despite the mounting empirical evidence that the right of workers may be conducive to the competitive economy (Battin 2017, p. 152). The important influences boost in the rate of global amalgamation along with attainment activity. Effects of neoliberalism on Australian employment relation consist of flexibilization of job marketplace, increasing employment shifts, escalating atypical along with non-standard types of labor, changes in the content of work and conditions of working. Other effects include the multi-skilling, mismatch of skills, and the requirement for lifelong knowledge among w orkers. However, Australia approaches these employment relations in various approaches, and standards of employment thus differ widely all over the country. Moreover, neoliberalism has led to enormous along with the far-achieving shifts in the entrepreneurs (Schoonmaker 2017, p. 1009). The variations in labor relations remain to be outcomes of severe international spirited anxieties mugged by ventures working in Australian markets. Neoliberalism and consequences for workers along with workplace The innovation of technological techniques has always remained to be an essential issue of adjustments in the employment sector. However, variations owing to the neoliberalism and launching of advanced communication technologies in labor have particular impacts. It aids in promoting employees to be efficient in their operations by speeding up the process of global changes in the section of regularly affecting work sites. The main effects of neoliberalism in Australian employment relation remain to be the change from the physical strain of work to the stable handling of information, intellective operations with their concomitant stressors such as excessive increase of mental workload (Rizo 2011, p. 1179). The idea of labor virtualization along with alteration from the corporeal to spiritual actions remains to be casualization of work. The rise of new technologies because of neoliberalism implies changed skill hassles, the fresh division of limited labor, and adjustment in operations o f the organization. Besides, the account of Australian employment in the 20th century is the account in which science, as well as technology is inside facts and not ability labels the procedure (Renfew 2011, p. 589). Neoliberalism has led to the development of world-wide-web as well as the preface of new along with capital demands of information technology in venues of work. Neoliberalism motivates the virtually universal development in shares of female on the non-farming labor power among high development or semi-industrialized progressing economies of the Australia in the last few decades. Neoliberalism results to the incredible growth in the manufacturing operations as well as oversea sales processing in Australia. Neoliberalism has led to boosts in females service that have transpired among the overseas traders of non-traditional farming goods like stylish fruits along with vegetables or flowers in Australia that engage in the further anciently female features of the services business (Castree 2013, p. 1729). The neoliberalism has led to the development of the constructive connection between liberalization of trade and female service in Australia. The relationship remains to be strong in labor-abundant in Australia. However, in chiefly agricultural financial systems such as Australia where women concentrate in the import-rival farming sector such as food yields, the male remains to have a better place in taking merit of activities in export sector in cash crops or ordinary supply extraction. Besides, neoliberalism has led to cases where women lose service and proceeds because of the formation of trade liberalization. Therefore, neoliberalism largely affects female within the employment sector compared to their counterparts in production. Additionally, neoliberalism led to the creation of work choices that fail to address the dichotomy that Australian women face in balancing the productive and reproductive labor. Neoliberalism resulted in the formation of the legislations collective bargaining powers along with aims for individualization in the workplace (Brody Curtis 2017, p. 71). The neoliberalism also shows that any failure in the workplace in the provision of the greater protection for different women in the place of work is inconsistent with laws and objectives of employment relations in Australia. Flexibilization of labor marketplace Neoliberalism has mainly helped in the prevention of social conflict in the employment sector. Liberation is presentable to poor and working people in Australia as progressive compared to conservative or rightwing. The neoliberalism aid leaders to focus on the traditional working environment and this had the great impact on improving their relations with other employees within different organizations (Watson 2015, p. 138). The Australian great capitalist crisis over the last twenty-five years has led to developing of more profits for cooperates presently, with the rapid globalization of the Australian capitalist economy makes the employment sector of the country to be on the global scale. Besides, neoliberalism comprises of different major views such as the statutes of the marketplace, deregulation, and privatization, unkind public expenses for standard services, and abolishing the notion of the community. Around the Australia, neoliberalism has been able to be imposable by influenti al financial organizations like the global monetary fund along with the global Bank. In Australian employment sector, the beneficiary of neoliberalism is the majorities that are within different employment sectors. Along with the globalization especially in Australian labor marketplace, neoliberalism has led to the creation of new changes as well as features in the global competitive environment (Hilgers 2013, p. 79). It has also resulted in the decentralization of negotiation between labor together with workers more flexible salary system, allocation of work, and seminar organization with industrial dealings. In Australia, neoliberalism has positively affected the industrial affairs in with various varieties of the marketplace economy. The growth of neoliberalism with globalization has led to enrichment of cross-border resources streams, conventional industrial relations schemes. Neoliberalism has hastened the inter-reliance in Australian market between its operations that offer new potential for economic progress in the employment sector (Curran Quinn 2012, p. 471). Neoliberalism helps in the development of human society as well as inevitable outlines of the global employment sector. Under neoliberalism, Australia has new skilled issues and substantially confront in its industrial associations. Therefore, neoliberalism remains to be the compilation of economic plans hold by the ideological pledges that argue for the dreams of reduction of state-involvement in the financial system to promote human as well as economic efficiency (Mole 2014, p 41). It remains essential to understanding tha t economic neoliberalism helps the relative high structure of freedom official among people while institution in neoliberal remains to be a more moderate about taxation and macroeconomic intervention. Improving collective bargain Neoliberalism continues to be the major factor in developing the joint again within the employment sector. In most cases, the collective agreement continues to be the primary and essential approach to dealing with labor relations in Australia. However, collective bargain in employment sector refers to the process where employers, as well as employees, are having the opportunity to negotiate their interests (Biebricher 2015, p. 259). Neoliberalism makes the employee bargaining power in Australia to be better evaluating to those in developing nations. Under the neoliberalism, the collective bargain of Australia tends to be less significant and different organizations gain superior prudence in wage scene across the employment sections. Neoliberalism has made work unions in Australia to be confrontable with the declined power of bargaining and influence. Therefore, employee unions have remained to focus on reaching the appropriate approach to maintain the relation correctly. However, it cannot be viewable that employee unions are still functioning ing in the maintenance of the relationships between employees along with employers in Australia. The influence of neoliberalism has made Australian employment firms to emphasize in the consultation between employees together with staff. Under neoliberalism end, there occur many unknown competition forces within the work coming from the market operations (Zhang 2011, p. 581). The firms extremely emphasize the employment relations in Australia as the adequate resources to be the spirited international marketplace. With the neoliberalism, there was a need for international cooperation in the employment operations. Many Australian companies through neoliberalism started to set-up sub-companies in the abroad marketplace. The development of such markets helps in improving the labor relations because people were able to move freely and looking for a job in foreign nations away from Australia. Besides, neoliberalism accelerates the changing structure of employment relations in the international marketplace. Through neoliberalism, Australia has been able to maintain its category of employment affairs in local organizations extremely well as well as in a mature manner (Deakin et al., 2012, p. 245). However, whenever there is a need of addressing the issue of managing the workforce in other nations like China, companies need to focus on designing employment relations that are suitable for the local cultural context of Australian communities. Therefore, neoliberalism makes the collaboration of employmen t sector between Australia and other countries like China to focus on designing appropriate labor relations. The nation achieves the formation of suitable collaboration by combining the market economy to create new industrial relations (Olcott Oliver 2014, p. 211). Under neoliberalism, employment ties in Australia companies tend to experience the immense contest to shift the ancient models of practices of work. Increasing labor migration The view of globalization is just the global element of the massive plan of neoliberalism transformation. The change by the neoliberalism in the employment sector leads logically to the confusion that the experimental increased in disparity that remains as best transformation for the neoliberalism. Besides, neoliberalism reform has largely contributed to increasing inequality in many different approaches (Nimeshakari 2011, p. 37). The change of neoliberalism towards tax along with welfare system has to lead to fewer following techniques of taxation and less liberal societal security technologies, thus increasing the disparity of the allocation of income through post-taxation. Neoliberalism leads to increase of reliance on outsourcing as well as competitive tendering within the employment sector while reducing the job security of workers. The neoliberalism ensures the safety of every employee even those employed by profitable enterprises as well as within the Australian public sector organizations. Neoliberalism has enhanced removal of employment insecurity by increasing the elimination of constraints on the power of employers to hire together with fire at force. Additionally, neoliberalism transformations have the huge impact on contributing to labor marketplace in Australia. The neoliberalism, in general, helps in favoring managers along with skilled employees while removing interventions that protected the interests of less-skilled workers within the Australian employment sector. Besides, ideas that relate to the increase in Australian employment sector and its insecurity associated with the neoliberalism reforms (Geogeou Engel 2011, p. 307). These improvements tend to increase the significance of stochastic element about the determination of income. Therefore, the formation of the productive business environment within the Australian business marketplace by neoliberalism tends to increase labor migration. More employees keep on moving to the well-developed regions with the urge of attaining employment (Jackson et al., 2013, p. 266). The move is always high among the people who reside in rural areas and looking for a job in urban regions. Therefore, neoliberalism influences increasing labor migration within the employment relations in Australia. The ascendancy of the neoliberalism state In early days of the 1980s, Australia undergoes through the proper procedure of the state in reforming the course that has massively transcended alterations at federal, state, along with local points. The momentum for reforming employment sector within Australia by the neoliberalism has mainly come from the federal level (Gekava Faithbrother 2013, p.57). The formation of national level through neoliberalism comprises of conventional together with labor regulations that have realized the main along with the ongoing transformation of the civil service and linked groups that initiated with the introduction of cases of managerialism together with public utilities. All these new situations in the employment sector through neoliberalism aim at restructuring and developing the major privatization programs that companies use to recruit, hire, and fire their employees. The reform of neoliberalism presents the development of Australian employment sector to be part of the agenda that comprises of microeconomic reform (Ellen 2015, p. 329). Besides, neoliberalism intended at creating the Australian state market to be spirited in the global marketplace. Therefore, microeconomic transformations brought by the neoliberalism included the imposition of improved management control over workers along with individualizing the relations of employment. Neoliberalism individualizes relation of employment relations as well as the further foundation of makeups of Australia along with the move of service stipulation function to personal along with community segment. Despite the emphasis on regulation of Australian employment sector, neoliberalism schedule has permeated more than just viable dealings. Various scholars argued that neoliberalism perceives the centrality of the marketplace management as the leading replica of financial supervision (Rizo 2011, p. 1189). The actual request of neoliberalism in employment sector of Australian community has extended to the character of policy as well as the method in which the power along with treatment of employment policies. The treatment of employment policies with different measure has made neoliberalism to involve the dominance of the marketplace in the community to the tip where it remains to be the end of its operations. The two principal aspects of neoliberalism that focus on the changes in work content along with conditions of work include the formation of privatization along with the elimination of the interests state. Besides, many of the effects that result in changes in work content have not been ambitious by neoliberalism principle nor have been inconclusively appearing. Effects of neoliberalism are the term to be essential grounds of financial globalization outside the empire of critical learning in employment relations within the Australian community. The most cited cause of liberalizing trade remains to be the neoliberalism (Engel Halvorson 2016, p. 548). Through neoliberalism, Australia has been able to exploit its financial gains by concentrating in manufacturing as well as dealing goods that it can create to be quite affordable. However, by disparity, neoliberalism fight individualist along with chains of free trade on the notion that it offers individualism within the employment sector together with increased choices for consumers. It also focuses on providing freedom for people within Australia to conduct business transnational. Besides, through neoliberalism, Australia can create the better option of where as well as whom individual desires to demeanor their activities (Geoffrin et al.., 2017, p. 7). In most cases, neoliberalism affects employment relation within Australia by changing working conditions. Most business partners and job seekers tend to concentrate much on places with good employment opportunities and improved marketplaces while they migrate from areas that lag behind in development. Conclusion Understanding the employment experience by different people in Australia as well as the transition of work gives the greater appreciation of nature to precarious work. There is nothing out of the ordinary about the experiences and influence of neoliberalism on the Australian employment sector. Many different people within the region accept and appreciate the impact of neoliberalism on the labor relations within the Australian community. Besides, the notion of neoliberalism remains to be elusive to employment sector. Neoliberalism shows that labor relations can continue to be critical factors that influence the labor relations of a country. Therefore, there is a need for every firm within Australia and other regions affected by neoliberalism to create a strong stand that they can use in dealing with employment dealings in organizational correctly to be spirited in the international marketplace. The proper address of influence of neoliberalism in the Australian employment relations is the essential struggle by every organization management within the ever-changing business markets. The trajectory of reforms of neoliberalism over several decades bears similarity that undergoes and underway in other advanced economies within the employment sectors. The major focus of the impact of neoliberalism in Australian employment sector should be human cost of neoliberalism specifically in lower as well as working-class persons. The free-marketing policies remain to be the important step within the employment sector in ensuring prosperity and full freedoms throughout nations around the global marketplace. References Battin, T. (2017). Labouring under neoliberalism: The Australian Labor governments ideological constraint, 20072013. The Economic and Labour Relations Review, 28(1), pp.146-163. Brody, H. and Curtis, K. (2017). Do EEOC Subpoena Rulings Deserve Deference? And Looking Back: The Impact of the Supreme Court's Spokeo Decision on Employers. Employment Relations Today, 44(2), pp.67-77. Curran, D. and Quinn, M. (2012). Attitudes to employment law and the consequent impact of legislation on employment relations practice. Employee Relations, 34(5), pp.464-480. Deakin, S., Hobbs, R., Konzelmann, S. and Wilkinson, F. (2012). Partnership, ownership and control. Employee Relations, 24(3), pp.335-352. Ellem, B. (2015). Resource Peripheries and Neoliberalism: the Pilbara and the remaking of industrial relations in Australia. Australian Geographer, 46(3), pp.323-337. Engel, S. and Halvorson, D. (2016). Neoliberalism, massification and teaching transformative politics and international relations. Australian Journal of Political Science, 51(3), pp.546-554. Gekara, V. and Fairbrother, P. (2013). Managerial technologies and power relations: a study of the Australian waterfront. New Technology, Work and Employment, 28(1), pp.51-65. Geoffrion, S., Goncalves, J., Sader, J., Boyer, R., Marchand, A. and Guay, S. (2017). Workplace aggression against health care workers, law enforcement officials, and bus drivers: Differences in prevalence, perceptions, and psychological consequences. Journal of Workplace Behavioral Health, pp.1-18. Georgeou, N. and Engel, S. (2011). The Impact of Neoliberalism and New Managerialism on Development Volunteering: An Australian Case Study. Australian Journal of Political Science, 46(2), pp.297-311. Jackson, J., Cunningham, I. and Dutton, A. (2013). The impact of the Employment Relations Act 1999 on Scotlands voluntary sector. Employee Relations, 23(3), pp.256-270. Mol, N. (2014). Precarious Subjects: Anticipating Neoliberalism in Northern Italy's Workplace. American Anthropologist, 112(1), pp.38-53. Nimushakavi, V. (2011). Organizing Domestic Workers and Workplace Rights: A Case Study from Hyderabad. Journal of Workplace Rights, 16(1), pp.31-46. Olcott, G. and Oliver, N. (2014). 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(2013). The Nature of Illegality Under Neoliberalism and Post-Neoliberalism. PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review, 36(2), pp.266-273. Hilgers, M. (2013). Embodying neoliberalism: thoughts and responses to critics. Social Anthropology, 21(1), pp.75-89. Renfrew, D. (2011). The Curse of Wealth: Political Ecologies of Latin American Neoliberalism. Geography Compass, 5(8), pp.581-594. Schoonmaker, S. (2017). Globalization from Below: Free Software and Alternatives to Neoliberalism. Development and Change, 38(6), pp.999-1020.